Some
30 million proud, abused, and beleaguered people, still not in possession
of one state let alone 22 others, are thus simply disregarded in a grotesque
display of moral bankruptcy and hypocrisy by the very same circles promoting
an Arafatian state...
Just imagine if Israel was to say that under no circumstances would
a another Palestinian Arab state be permitted to be created.Could
you envision the outcry around the world? Yet this is precisely
what our friends, the Turks, have stated over and over again regarding
the Kurds. The Washington Post reported on April 9, 2003 that
the Turkish military was on the verge of making important decisions
regarding such prospects, and this was previously echoed in Thomas Friedman's
March 28th article in the New York Times as well. Friedman advised
that the Kurds should be told point blank, "what part of 'no' don't
you understand? ...You Kurds are not breaking away." Nauseating. This
is the same Friedman who, like many of his colleagues, has written volumes
espousing the creation of a 23rd Arab state, and second Arab
one in the original 1920 borders of mandatory "Palestine." Yet
when it comes to the subject of the Kurds, with few exceptions, they're
simply regarded--at best--as "separatists."
While
the Turks' nervousness over such a thought is understandable, their
position (as well as Friedman's) is morally indefensible...if that means
anything these days.. We'll return to this issue a bit later on.
At this time, however, we need to take a good look at the plight of
some 30 million perpetually used and abused Kurds. Think about all of
the journalistic, political, and other energy which has been devoted
to the creation of that 23rd Arab state. Now
ask yourselves how much has been devoted to the plight of stateless
Kurds.
For several decades now, in the study of Middle Eastern Affairs, some
subjects have appeared to be taboo while others never seem to leave
center stage. Perhaps one reason for this state of affairs lies in the
perpetual quest for Arab petro-dollars by financially hungry academic
institutions. Israel, constantly in the spotlight's glare, is frequently
picked apart (all in the name of "objective scholarship" of
course), and every real and/or imaginary sin is repeatedly exposed for
all to see and pass judgment upon. Indeed, many academics have taken
the lead recently to single Israel out and treat it as a pariah in their
attempts to have their institutions cut all ties to it.
The mere suggestion that Pan-Arabism or Arab nationalism has
problems with Jewish nationalism/Zionism for at least some of the same
reasons it has had similar problems elsewhere--Berber North Africa,
Lebanon, Syrian and Iraqi Kurdistan, the Sudan, etc.--can elicit harsh
rebuke.. In the classroom, however, such subjects are more often than
not simply not dealt with at all. Rare is the classroom, for example,
that gets into a discussion of the "other side" of the Middle
East refugee problem, the one half of Israel's Jews who fled Arab/Muslim
lands as a result of the war Arabs launched against the nascent Jewish
State. Even more rare is the class that puts the 1947 partition plan
for Palestine into the broader context of another partition going on
at the very same time between Hindus and Muslims over the Indian subcontinent.
The double standard frequently reigns supreme, and while students are
often left with the impression that one national movement holds a monopoly
on evil and injustice, the other is in line for imminent canonization.
Not surprisingly, therefore, revealing and provocative subjects
such as Arab treatment of the Kurds have, until recently, simply been
ignored. It took Saddam's gassing of them a little over a decade ago
in Desert Storm to finally get some interest aroused...but not much.
Yet these same voices, mostly silent on the decades' old subjugation
and slaughter of Kurds, loudly protest that Arab nationalism has been
eternally wronged because it has manifested itself to date--largely
via conquest and forced arabization of other peoples and their lands--on
"only" twenty-two states, including one on over 80% of the
original Mandate for Palestine issued to Britain on April 25, 1920 and
today known as Jordan. Some thirty million proud, much abused, and beleaguered
people--still not in possession of one state let alone two dozen others--are
thus simply disregarded in a grotesque display of moral bankruptcy and
hypocrisy by the very same circles promoting an Arafatian state.
What's even worse, outside of academia, an Arabist-dominated State Department
perpetuates this problem for its own largely oil-tainted reasons. And
most of the media engages in this double standard as well.
The story of Kurdish nationalism is a depressing one when compared
with that of other nationalisms in the Middle East. Arab and Iranian
nationalisms, for example, are replete with events causing anger, frustration,
setbacks, and the like, but their futures remain alive with the promise
of a better tomorrow. Not so, however, for the Kurds...That is, not
until recently. While great forces are still working against this--not
the least being those at Foggy Bottom-- the coming storm over Iraq has
the potential to, at long last, right an historic wrong. It is time...
The Kurds are a native, non-Arab people who have lived in the Middle
East for thousands of years. Their name derives from the ancient Guti
(Guti-Gurti-Kurdi), conquerors of Babylon. They were the non-Semitic
Hurrians of Mesopotamia and the Medes of Persian history. Their home
covers mountainous regions now part of Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and
other countries as well. But the heartland of ancient Gutium, the domain
of later autonomous Kurdish mirs, had been in what is now-- thanks to
the British-- Arab Iraq..
The area around Mosul and Kirkuk, vast in petroleum deposits, was traditional
Kurdish land. It has recently fallen into Kurdish and American hands...driving
the Turks to the verge of invasion themselves. They fear that the oil
wealth of the area could give the Kurds the finishing touches to what's
needed to create their own independent state. And Turks, unfortunately,
feel--like the Arabs--that Kurds should not be allowed such a thing.
How dare Kurds want what Arab and Turkic peoples already have many times
over! Jews, especially, can relate to this tragic situation...It's the
exact position they find themselves in vis-a-vis Arabs.
Now add to this an ironic twist. While Syrian Arabs (as well as Saddam)
like to sing praises to the medieval warrior Saladin's name, Saladin
was, in fact, a Kurd who joined in the fight against Christendom's advances
in the Middle East. Had he known what would be in store for his people
at the hands of Syrian Arabs centuries later, he might have had second
thoughts.. A reading of the Kurdish nationalist Ismet Cherif Vanly's
book, The Syrian 'Mein Kampf' Against The Kurds (Amsterdam 1968), gives
some good insight into how Arabs have dealt with any and all potential
rivals in the region. The Ottoman Turks controlled most of the Middle
East for over four centuries. With the pending collapse of their empire,
numerous peoples had their dreams for independence once again reemerge.
President Wilson encouraged this himself in his famous Fourteen Points
and his calls for self-determination for all former subject peoples.
The Kurds were among those whose aspirations were addressed.
The best and most reasonable chance for Kurdish independence
was sacrificed, however, in the immediate post-World War I era on the
altar of British petroleum politics and Arab nationalism. The odds against
a favorable outcome to such aspirations grew immensely from then on.
Among other things, Arab nationalists feared that if such a state arose
it would become the focus of immigration for millions of Kurds living
in Turkey and Iran. Arabs also wrote that they would see the birth of
an independent Kurdistan as equivalent to the creation of another Israel,
i.e. it would permanently separate lands from what Arabs claimed solely
for themselves.
In order to maintain any credibility in the strategically important
Arab world, the British--who had recently switched from a coal to an
oil-powered imperial navy--decided that they had to ignore previous
promises made to the Kurds and included the oil-rich Kurdish areas in
what was being formed as Arab Iraq instead. Britain decided that its
long-term interests required keeping the Arab world as friendly
as possible. Besides backing off from promises to the Jews in Palestine
(including chopping off all of the land east of the Jordan River and
handing it over to the Arabs in 1922 with the creation of the Emirate
of Transjordan), this also meant passing another litmus test, the abandonment
of the Kurds.
A newly invigorated Turkish Republic under Ataturk and Iran's
Reza Shah Pahlavi ruled out, respectively, the potential western and
eastern options as well--despite numerous and continuing revolts in
the former and the brief Mehabad experience in the latter. Rebellion
in these areas represented/represent acts of desperation by a repeatedly
exploited and abandoned people. In an era in which former victims of
imperialism and oppression were struggling for recognition and gaining
national rights, the Kurds were alternately tantalized with intimations
of independence and crushed by the withdrawal of these promises at the
very moment their realization appeared to be within reach. The explosive
results were inevitable. Even more troubling for those of us who truly
love America and care about what our nation represents to the world,
the United States replaced Britain as the primary user (abuser?) of
the Kurds, using them to hammer away at our own enemies in the region,
and repeatedly abandoning them to their own fate when our own immediate
goals were reached.
So, that brings us up to the present and our current problems
with Saddam's Iraq.
We hear from columnists, academics, and the folks at the
State Department that Iraq must not be dismembered because it will lead
to instability in the region. Funny, that these same folks don't think
twice about what the creation of a second Palestinian Arab state will
do to both a miniscule, 9-mile wide Israel and a Jordan whose majority
population is Palestinian Arab. Repeated partitions are legitimate
for Palestine, but not even one is permissible for Mesopotamia/Iraq.
What's wrong with this picture?
The real reasons for our State Department not wanting this,
of course, are quite different. One of the main ones is the same one
that Britain had when it aborted an independent Kurdistan in the first
place: fear of angering the Arab world. But think of what could happen
if Mosul and Kirkuk's oil became part of a long overdue, friendly Kurdish
State with America as its main ally...
The other major concern is more noble and has to do with
our good friends, the Turks. With the collapse of their empire after
World War I, when the dust finally settled, Ataturk pulled together
a reinvigorated if much constricted Turkey. The eastern portion of what
was left of the Turkish domain largely consisted of Kurds. The Turks
had drawn their line in the sand, however, and were not about to permit
the dismemberment of any more of their territories due to a Kurdish
nationalism frustrated with the loss of the one best chance it had at
independence in Mesopotamia. About 20% of Turkey's population is Kurd...about
the same fraction of Israel's population that is Arab. Turks say they
fear that if they allow an adjacent Kurdish state to arise in northern
Iraq, their own Kurds will likewise be infected. Now think about that
for a minute...Turkey is a huge country compared to Israel. Yet a pre-'67,
armistice line-imposed, 9-mile wide Israel is expected to allow a good
cop/bad cop murderous Arafatian/Hamas state to arise in its own backyard...and
Israel's front is the sea, with virtually no wriggle room. Still, under
the right circumstances--i.e. Arabs really agreeing to form
their 23rd state alongside of Israel instead
of overwhelming and replacing it-- Israel is prepared to accept such
a state. Certainly there are risks involved...more so for miniscule
Israel than for Turkey. So Turks, Arabs, Foggy Bottom, or anyone else
have no right to declare that Kurds must remain forever stateless pawns
of other peoples' periodic whims.
Here's our current challenge-- if we can overcome the Arabists
who too frequently call the shots at Foggy Bottom. We now have a chance
to right an historical wrong. If Arabs can, after all, have twenty-two
states, and very possibly a 23rd in the future, on lands mostly conquered
and forcibly arabized from other, non-Arab peoples, how can thirty million
Kurds be forced to forever remain stateless and usually at someone else's
mercy?
While Turks fear that an independent Kurdistan in northern Iraq
will cause and/or support a similar move to independence in the adjacent
Turkish lands, this is, in reality, extremely doubtful. More likely--and
with proper cultivation most probably--what will occur is that those
Kurds ( like those Greeks or those Jews or those Armenians, etc.) who
wish to live in an independent state of their own will migrate to that
state in northern Iraq.. Indeed, Turkey stands to lose many of its own
potential "problems" this way. The odds of that new state--born
as a result of American and possibly subtle Turkish assistance by dismantling
Saddam's Iraq--purposely biting the hands that fed it are not very likely.
Turkoman tribes in the north and Sunni and Shia Arabs in central and
southern Iraq will have a loosely federated state as well, and a formula
can be reached whereby the oil wealth can be shared--including with
the Turks who feel that they lost the Mosul fields due to Britain's
earlier influence with the League of Nations after World War I. This
is, allegedly, the main concern addressed by the April 9th Washington
Post article. In a way it was good that the Turks said "no"
to our using their border with Iraq as a springboard for our troops.
Part of the price tag for such permission would have likely been granting
the Turks permission to occupy Iraqi Kurdistan....a moral nightmare.....again,
if that means anything these days.
Since we felt that we must once again go to war and called again
upon our strangely loyal friends, the Kurds, to assist us in ousting
Saddam, we have to be sure that this time we hold the moral high ground.
We have a chance to finally deliver justice for this people.
We've not done this before. Indeed, after President George Bush (senior)
called on them to revolt against Saddam in Desert Storm, he watched
and did nothing while these people were gassed to death by the thousands.
Remember that the full force of America's war machine was nearby and
could have acted....but didn't. And this was not the first time we abused
them this way. It is time to right a long overdue historical wrong.