While everyone discusses the nitty gritty of the Roadmap and whether
additional steps should be taken, Sharon assures us that the major
settlement blocs will be retained and that Jerusalem will remain Israel's
undivided capital. Our attention is focused on the number of prisoners
to release, whether to give guns and ammunition to the Palestinians,
the exact location of the fence being constructed, whether we have
anyone to talk to, what kind of land bridge to supply and what kind
of border controls to impose.
Amir Oren, Haaretz, in his article, Substitute
for the West Bank: `Training Bloc' brings us back
to reality insofar as the endgame is concerned.
�Ariel Sharon takes pride in succeeding last year to get President
George W. Bush to affirm the need to consider the facts on the ground
created by the West Bank settlement blocs. (To be more precise, Condoleezza
Rice was the one to sign this affirmation, on behalf of Bush.) This
does not include all of the blocs, and does not include Jerusalem,
and requires land swaps. It is impossible to know what Israelis would
say if they were presented with the choice of terraces in Judea or
dunes in the Negev, but one can assume that, from monetary considerations
alone, it would be best to seek such a deal in order to save the tens
of billions required for building new communities and compensating
the settlers.�
�Israel will not be able to avoid the question of where land can be
taken to give to the nascent Palestinian state in exchange for the
land populated by the settlers. Directly or indirectly, the land reserves
will be found in the training areas. Directly, as in the example of
the Halutza dunes, south of Gaza, or indirectly, if areas adjacent
to Mount Hebron are evacuated and their civilian equivalent is taken
from the training areas.
There you have it, the Saudi Peace Plan, which Israelis vehemently
rejected and still do, they think, is the one that the Roadmap refers
to and in fact intends to implement, all with Sharon's approval.�
The BBC discusses What
is in the Saudi peace initiative?
Times Europe, Anatomy
of a Peace Plan
�It is the first time that all Arab states collectively � as opposed
to only the front-line states � have openly rather than implicitly
agreed to extend an olive branch agreeing to "normal" relations
with Israel�
and
�The simplicity of Abdullah's initial offering is also now cluttered
up with calls for a solution to the Palestinian refugee problem and
the establishment of a Palestinian capital in Jerusalem.�
These complications were imposed by the Arab League when it accepted
it.
ZOA submits that Saudi "Peace" Plan
Would Reduce Israel To Indefensible Pre-1967 Borders
In essence if Israel gets to keeps any of the settlement blocs it
will have to compensate the Palestinians with land of equivalent value.
In practice this means Israel must cede more land then it keeps, because
such land is not worth as much as what is kept. It requires Jerusalem
to be shared and justice for the Palestinian refugees. The Arabs insist
that all refugees outside must return to the nascent Palestine because
they don't want them to remain in their territory. What remains to
be discussed are the details. Arab normalization of relations does
not come until after Israel withdraws.
Oren discusses in a matter of fact manner what lands Israel will give
up to replace the lands it keeps and even goes so far as to write, "With
some effort, despite the problems of takeoff and landing paths, the
air force and testing base in Palmahim could be evacuated and Israel's
main international airport could be built there." This may explain
why the fence is allowed to come so close to the present airport.
There is a progression of events here that cannot be ignored and such
events are all related.
First Arafat rejected Barak's offer at Camp David. At Taba additional
concessions were offered but went nowhere. Behind the scene negotiations
continued among the interested parties. As a result of which the Saudi
Plan was "released" through the NYT in the winter of '02
and endorsed by the Arab League shortly thereafter. In July of '02,
Bush recognized the creation of Palestine for the first time. During
the entire year Israeli negotiators traveled to the US many times to
negotiate details of the final plan and how to implement it. This all
culminated in the release of the Roadmap in the spring of 2003 just
after the invasion of Iraq which was not unrelated. One might argue
that Israel would not agree to the Plan unless and until Iraq was neutered.
So perhaps it is not fanciful to suggest as Condi and others do, that
Iraq was invaded to protect Israel. Finally, the Geneva Accords were
signed in early '03. They served to be a little more specific then
the Saudi Plan.
The "peace process" is like an enormous ship traveling with
great momentum to a predetermined destination. Nothing Israel can do
will stop it or alter its course. While Israel continues to the debate
the details along the way, the ship continues, along its way, inexorably.
So long as Israel travels the Roadmap it will not be able to avoid
its destination. Nor can Israel get off the Roadmap. That is
not to say that Israelis would not accept an end of conflict agreement
along the lines of the Geneva Accords and the Saudi Plan when the time
comes so long as it includes "normalization" and no return
of refugees.
Then, all they will have to worry about is whether the Arabs can be trusted.